Antisemitism, Made in France (2000-2015)

 

For several years within the contentious field of antisemitism, we have seen a routine emerge of obscene words, selective outrage and blatant antisemitic assaults. But this violence forms part of a more general pattern, starting from the time of the second Intifada (2000) when anti-Jewish violence swept almost simultaneously across France and throughout all Western democracies. Since then, other attacks have shaken the Jewish community, precisely, regularly, and with lasting effect, making places of worship and schools, worshippers, officials and members of the community equally targets.

 

Antisemitism from 2000-2015

 

Indeed, since October 1, 2000, more than 8,000 antisemitic acts have been perpetrated in France, including 744 in 2000; 219 in 2001; 936 in 2002; 601 in 2003; 974 in 2004; 508 in 2005; 571 in 2006; 402 in 2007; 397 in 2008; 832 in 2009; 466 in 2010; 389 in 2011; 614 in 2012 and 423 in 2013, according to the Jewish Community Security Service (SPCJ) and the Ministry of the Interior. Throughout 2014 antisemitic acts occurred nearly without interruption. As the SPCJ explains, the tensions resulting from a climate of antisemitic hate and its legacy, and the accumulation of varied antisemitic acts have grown as the months progressed. As a result, the number of antisemitic acts identified in France doubled: 851 acts (compared to 423 in 2013), an increase of 101%. From January to May 2015, antisemitic acts increased further by 84% compared to 2014, and 161% compared to 2013. In other words, 508 antisemitic acts compared to 276 in 2014 and 195 in 2013 over the same period. However, despite the ‘surge’ at the beginning of this year, antisemitic acts were down 1.5% over the first nine months of 2015 compared to the same period in 2014, according to the Minister of the Interior (CRIF National Convention, November 1, 2015) . Nevertheless, this decrease should “still be considered with caution and that is why the State must, under no circumstances, cease in its efforts”. “No antisemitic action must remain unpunished,” said the Minister, “because I know that this threat continues to be a legitimate concern and causes deep unease in the heart of the [Jewish] community”. He recalled the measures taken since the beginning of the year, notably those taken after the attack in January 2015 against the Hypercacher in Porte de Vincennes in Paris (AFP, November 1, 2015).

 

 

Could it be the case that hostility towards the Jews has developed among certain youth living in so-called sensitive areas who, facing discrimination, are also in search of their identity? Considering that these young people identify with Palestinians, do they therefore associate attacks against Jews with “revenge”? In short, does the Israeli-Palestinian conflict play a key role in antisemitism? Or, is it not also the case that there is, to a certain extent, a pretext that allows the taboo of antisemitism to be continually avoided? Is it the case that Islamists prefer disadvantaged suburbs as a location for disseminating their pseudo ideas? We will set out three hypotheses in order to try to elucidate what constitutes antisemitism.

 

 

We must bear in mind that antisemitism gained global prominence in August 2001, in Durban (South Africa), at the UN Conference against racism, xenophobia and intolerance. The Israeli-Palestinian conflict, which had nothing to do with it, engaged all participants.

 

This conference should have been a time of reflection, an opportunity to review history, the traumas of the past (colonialism and slavery), and the persistence of racism. Instead, during the discussions Israel was accused of “genocide” against the Palestinians, “ethnocide”, and “ethnic cleansing”. What was more ideologically suitable than stigmatizing Israel, “Zionists” or “Jewish extremists” in the name of the fight against racism and antisemitism?

 

The NGO Forum stirred controversy again by adopting a resolution (September 2, 2001), describing Israel as “a racist State” which was guilty of acts of “genocide” against the Palestinian people. The document, adopted by 6,000 NGOs in 44 interest groups [“caucuses”], called “for an immediate halt to the systematic racist crimes perpetrated by Israel, including crimes of wars, acts of genocide and ethnic cleansing (…) and State terrorism against the Palestinian people” and condemned Israel as a “racist and apartheid State”.

 

In Durban, antisemitism was stripped of its coarse racist language and replaced by the elegant language of anti-racism, according to the philosopher Pierre-André Taguieff. These “Israelis”, “racists”, is something that is repeatedly stated, especially and primarily by the extreme left, who have made this conflict their raison d’être. Since then, the process of the ‘Nazification’ of Israel has quietly continued in Europe.

 

 

Second, some are driven by a sense of hostility to Israel exacerbated by the media coverage of clashes in the Middle East. This feeling of hostility therefore facilitates their projection into the conflict, which in their eyes, seemingly reproduces patterns of exclusion and failure in which they feel themselves to be victims in France.

 

Some of them have difficulty in accessing employment; they feel discriminated and relegated to the social perimeter. All these reasons (and many others) combine to place the Palestinian cause on center stage – with the ultra-media coverage of the conflict playing a leading role. Mehdi Lallaoui, a leading figure in the grassroots movement, an activist for more than thirty years in the suburbs, and key figure in the Equality March (for rights) started in 1983, explained it very well in 2000: “For me, it is about identification in a world of images. These young people see very violent clashes on TV; they feel solidarity with the Palestinians, and thus attack Jewish symbols in the absence of Israeli targets”.

 

Malek Boutih, former President of the French anti-racism association, SOS Racism (1999-2003), made the following interesting observation: “Young people have an unstructured discourse. They slide very quickly from anti-Zionism to antisemitism, from Israel to Jews.” It is therefore with insight that community activists warn repeatedly against transplanting the dynamics of the conflict into France and targeting places of worship in the Jewish community (any more than for the Muslim community). They are also issuing a warning, because they sense that the attacks could multiply.

 

Is there some sort of ‘culture’ of antisemitism in certain suburbs? This question is difficult to answer. Yet, some youth are targeting specifically Jewish targets (schools, places of worship, shops, individuals). In an interview (Le Figaro, August 4, 2014), the essayist Pascal Bruckner explained: “For the first time, seventy years after the end of World War II, we have seen young people shouting ‘death to the Jews’ in the heart of Paris. … However, I believe that the Israeli-Palestinian conflict is only a pretext. Demonstrating for Palestine is perfectly legitimate, but why destroy bus shelters? It is a cry of hatred and rage, not only against Israel but also against France, a country in which they do not feel integrated; they belong neither in France nor elsewhere. They are perfect prey for radical Islam. Imams are able to ignite these crowds of poor, unemployed people, who [are] … only seeking a target to express their rage. In the Place de la République, on July 27, demonstrators prayed in the streets … clearly wanting to illustrate that where there are Muslims, there is Islamic territory. Praying on the streets is prohibited, and it took Marine Le Pen (President of the extreme right party, the National Front) to state this prohibition in order for the politicians to react; it was a gift handed to the National Front”... Read more.